{"id":95813,"date":"2026-01-01T06:19:49","date_gmt":"2026-01-01T05:19:49","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/?p=95813"},"modified":"2026-01-01T06:19:49","modified_gmt":"2026-01-01T05:19:49","slug":"jan-campbell-proc-se-zajimat-o-kosovo","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/2026\/01\/01\/jan-campbell-proc-se-zajimat-o-kosovo\/","title":{"rendered":"Jan Campbell: Pro\u010d se zaj\u00edmat o Kosovo"},"content":{"rendered":"
<\/div>\n

\u00davod<\/strong><\/h3>\n

V\u00a0\u017e\u00e1dn\u00e9m pojedn\u00e1n\u00ed o Balk\u00e1nu nem\u016f\u017ee chyb\u011bt zm\u00ednka o komplexit\u011b v\u00fdzev spojen\u00fdch se spolu\u017eit\u00edm, historickou pam\u011bt\u00ed, stolet\u00ed trvaj\u00edc\u00ed nespravedlnost\u00ed a o Kosovu. Tato jihosrbsk\u00e1 autonomn\u00ed oblast byla nejenom po celou dobu trv\u00e1n\u00ed socialistick\u00e9 Jugosl\u00e1vie, ale ji\u017e dlouho p\u0159ed jej\u00edm rozpadem nejslab\u0161\u00edm \u010dl\u00e1nkem, a to i v\u00a0dob\u011b nejv\u011bt\u0161\u00ed jugosl\u00e1vsk\u00e9 harmonie \u0161edes\u00e1t\u00fdch a sedmdes\u00e1t\u00fdch let 20. stolet\u00ed. Skryt\u011b se odehr\u00e1valy d\u011bje, kter\u00e9 se norm\u00e1ln\u00edm jevem<\/em> na jugosl\u00e1vsk\u00e9m \u00fazem\u00ed staly b\u011bhem rozpadov\u00fdch v\u00e1lek v Chorvatsku a v Bosn\u011b a Hercegovin\u011b. Proto ka\u017ed\u00fd autor s\u00a0ko\u0159eny mimo Balk\u00e1n a p\u00ed\u0161\u00edc\u00ed o Balk\u00e1nu a specificky o Kosovu se vystavuje riziku kritiky ze v\u0161ech mo\u017en\u00fdch stran, a bohu\u017eel i riziku osobn\u00ed bezpe\u010dnosti.<\/p>\n

Kosovsk\u00e9 ekonomick\u00e9, mezietnick\u00e9 a politick\u00e9 probl\u00e9my sedmdes\u00e1t\u00fdch a po\u010d\u00e1tku osmdes\u00e1t\u00fdch let 20. stolet\u00ed byly v Jugosl\u00e1vii extr\u00e9mn\u00ed. Kosovo do jugosl\u00e1vsk\u00e9 praxe zavedlo nov\u00e9 a do t\u00e9 doby v komunistick\u00e9m jugosl\u00e1vsk\u00e9m syst\u00e9mu nemysliteln\u00e9 diskrimina\u010dn\u00ed paradigma diskriminaci a dominanci zalo\u017eenou na etnick\u00e9m, nikoli politick\u00e9m \u010di ideologick\u00e9m principu. Z\u00a0historick\u00e9ho pohledu lze kosovsk\u00e9 probl\u00e9my za ur\u010dit\u00fdch podm\u00ednek ozna\u010dit za katalyz\u00e1tor jugosl\u00e1vsk\u00e9 krize po\u010d\u00e1tku devades\u00e1t\u00fdch let 20. stolet\u00ed. Kosovo stoj\u00ed na jej\u00edm konci. Pro\u010d? V\u00e1lka v roce 1999 a ne plnohodnotn\u00e9 osamostatn\u011bn\u00ed oblasti o dev\u011bt let pozd\u011bji, p\u0159edstavuj\u00ed dnes v\u00a0dob\u011b antropologick\u00e9 v\u00e1lky a rozpadu p\u0159e\u017eit\u00e9ho politick\u00e9ho a hospod\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e9ho syst\u00e9mu, zalo\u017een\u00e9m na expanzi, dluhu a odlid\u0161t\u011bn\u00ed posledn\u00ed d\u011bjstv\u00ed rozpadu Jugosl\u00e1vie. Tu p\u0159edstavoval slo\u017eit\u00fd propletenec mezietnick\u00fdch, n\u00e1bo\u017eensk\u00fdch, hospod\u00e1\u0159sko-soci\u00e1ln\u00edch, kulturn\u011b-politick\u00fdch i mezin\u00e1rodn\u011bpr\u00e1vn\u00edch probl\u00e9m\u016f, maj\u00edc\u00edch sv\u00e9 ko\u0159eny v ekonomick\u00e9 zaostalosti.<\/p>\n

Co se t\u00fd\u010de Kosova se sv\u00fdm problematick\u00fdm sou\u017eit\u00edm m\u00edstn\u011b v\u011bt\u0161inov\u00e9ho (isl\u00e1msk\u00e9ho) alb\u00e1nsk\u00e9ho a men\u0161inov\u00e9ho (k\u0159es\u0165ansk\u00e9ho) srbsk\u00e9ho obyvatelstva na relativn\u011b mal\u00e9m, ale strategicky d\u016fle\u017eit\u00e9m \u00fazem\u00ed, je pot\u0159eba uv\u011bdomit si, \u017ee \u00fazem\u00ed je prvn\u00ed kol\u00e9bkou n\u00e1rodn\u00edho obrozen\u00ed, m\u00edstem, na n\u011bm\u017e vznikly v druh\u00e9 p\u016fli 19. stolet\u00ed prvn\u00ed alb\u00e1nsk\u00e9 st\u00e1totvorn\u00e9 koncepce. A v\u00a0neposledn\u00ed \u0159ad\u011b centrem slavn\u00e9ho st\u0159edov\u011bk\u00e9ho st\u00e1tu a mytologick\u00fdm pil\u00ed\u0159em tvo\u0159\u00edc\u00edm st\u0159edobod identity.<\/p>\n

Z\u00a0hlediska sou\u010dasn\u00e9 politiky jsem b\u011bhem posledn\u00ed n\u00e1v\u0161t\u011bvy Kosovo v\u00a0prvn\u00ed polovin\u011b tohoto roku se na tomto \u00fazem\u00ed setkal s\u00a0n\u00e1rokem zalo\u017een\u00e9m na pr\u00e1vu na sebeur\u010den\u00ed a pr\u00e1vu historick\u00e9m. V Kosovu se \u0159e\u0161\u00ed i ot\u00e1zka srbsk\u00e9 a alb\u00e1nsk\u00e9 n\u00e1rodn\u00ed nejednoty, vypl\u00fdvaj\u00edc\u00ed z d\u011bdictv\u00ed ji\u017e zanikl\u00e9 habsbursk\u00e9 a osmansk\u00e9 monarchie. Op\u011bt se nab\u00edz\u00ed nepohodln\u00e1 historie a srovn\u00e1n\u00ed s\u00a0problematikou sou\u010dasn\u00e9 je\u0161t\u011b Ukrajiny.<\/p>\n

Jak Srb\u016fm, tak Alb\u00e1nc\u016fm nebylo umo\u017en\u011bno vytvo\u0159it p\u0159esv\u011bd\u010divou shodu mezi n\u00e1rodem a jeho politicko-teritori\u00e1ln\u00edm r\u00e1mcem. Pro\u010d? Velk\u00e9 \u010d\u00e1sti srbsk\u00e9ho a alb\u00e1nsk\u00e9ho lidu z\u016fstaly b\u011bhem budov\u00e1n\u00ed n\u00e1rodn\u00edch st\u00e1t\u016f mimo sv\u00e1 st\u00e1tn\u00ed \u00fazem\u00ed. Tato skute\u010dnost v pr\u016fb\u011bhu cel\u00e9 novodob\u00e9 historie \u017eivila a \u017eiv\u00ed politiku a sen o jednotn\u00e9m velk\u00e9m st\u00e1t\u011b v\u0161ech Srb\u016f, resp. Alb\u00e1nc\u016f, tedy o Velk\u00e9m Srbsku \u010di Velk\u00e9 Alb\u00e1nii. V Kosovu se zm\u00edn\u011bn\u00e9 sny dostaly do vz\u00e1jemn\u00e9 konfrontace a zformulovaly tzv. kosovskou ot\u00e1zku<\/em>. Ta p\u0159edstavuje st\u0159et princip\u016f tak protikladn\u00fdch, \u017ee pokusy o jejich \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed v posledn\u00edch sto pades\u00e1ti letech vytv\u00e1\u0159ely prozat\u00edm pouze dlouhou historii konflikt\u016f, dominance a nesmi\u0159itelnosti, v\u0161e trvaj\u00edc\u00ed a\u017e do dnes.<\/p>\n

B\u011bhem trv\u00e1n\u00ed kosovsk\u00e9 krize se jasn\u011b uk\u00e1zalo, \u017ee gordick\u00fd uzel nelze jednodu\u0161e rozetnout. P\u0159esv\u011bd\u010dily se o tom i mocensky vlivn\u00e9 evropsk\u00e9 zem\u011b a USA, pot\u00e9 co se rozhodly v roce 1999 kosovsk\u00fd probl\u00e9m vy\u0159e\u0161it zp\u016fsobem d\u00e1vn\u00e9ho makedonsk\u00e9ho vl\u00e1dce. Jejich akce od sam\u00e9ho po\u010d\u00e1tku postr\u00e1dala pevn\u00fd a detailn\u011b p\u0159ipraven\u00fd politick\u00fd pl\u00e1n pro dosa\u017een\u00ed c\u00edle. Probl\u00e9my, kter\u00e9 se vyno\u0159ily po z\u00e1sahu maj\u00ed sv\u00e9 ko\u0159eny ve specifick\u00e9 kosovsk\u00e9 socioekonomick\u00e9 situaci, kterou charakterizuj\u00ed historick\u00e9 reminiscence a resentimenty, a nem\u016f\u017ee je z\u00e1padoevropsk\u00e9 liber\u00e1ln\u011b demokratick\u00e9 my\u0161len\u00ed ani pochopit, na co\u017e pak \u0159e\u0161it. Proto je pot\u0159eba Kosovsk\u00fd uzel trp\u011bliv\u011b rozpl\u00e9tat a pomoci vylou\u010dit, \u017ee zd\u00e1nliv\u011b rozv\u00e1zan\u00fd uzel se zauzl\u00ed na stran\u011b, kde se to nejm\u00e9n\u011b o\u010dek\u00e1v\u00e1. EU selhala z\u00a0t\u011bch sam\u00fdch d\u016fvod\u016f na Ukrajin\u011b, a nem\u016f\u017ee si dovolit dal\u0161\u00ed krizi v\u00a0Kosovo, nechce-li si sama zav\u0159\u00edt dve\u0159e vedouc\u00ed ne sc\u00e9nu budouc\u00ed evropsk\u00e9 politiky.<\/p>\n

Indikativn\u00ed v\u00fdznam Kosovo pro EU a Ukrajinu<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Nejv\u00edce se z historick\u00e9 perspektivy pohl\u00ed\u017eeno k poctiv\u00e9mu rozpl\u00e9t\u00e1n\u00ed kosovsk\u00e9ho uzlu paradoxn\u011b p\u0159ibl\u00ed\u017eila Komunistick\u00e1 strana Jugosl\u00e1vie. Vedena snahou o odstran\u011bn\u00ed etnick\u00e9ho nap\u011bt\u00ed a pot\u0159en\u00ed \u0161ovinismu, kter\u00fd se pr\u00e1v\u011b za v\u00e1lky na jugosl\u00e1vsk\u00e9m \u00fazem\u00ed manifestoval v nejdrasti\u010dt\u011bj\u0161\u00edch form\u00e1ch, zakl\u00e1dala novou Jugosl\u00e1vii na ideologii bratrstv\u00ed a jednoty jugosl\u00e1vsk\u00fdch n\u00e1rod\u016f a n\u00e1rodnost\u00ed. V r\u00e1mci tohoto projektu se jugosl\u00e1v\u0161t\u00ed komunist\u00e9 pokou\u0161eli vy\u0159e\u0161it i letit\u00e9 probl\u00e9my kosovsk\u00e9 ot\u00e1zky a z\u00edskat pro n\u011bj kosovsko-metochijsk\u00e9 Alb\u00e1nce. Ve snaze projevit alb\u00e1nsk\u00e9mu etniku co nejv\u00edce dobr\u00e9 v\u016fle komunisti\u010dt\u00ed p\u0159ed\u00e1ci v \u010dele s Josipem Brozem Titem na konci druh\u00e9 sv\u011btov\u00e9 v\u00e1lky poprv\u00e9 v historii definovali \u00fazem\u00ed Kosova a Metochie jako sv\u00e9bytn\u00fd politicko-geografick\u00fd prostor, jemu\u017e vymezili status autonomie.<\/p>\n

Probl\u00e9my Kosova se sna\u017eili \u0159e\u0161it maxim\u00e1ln\u00edm zrovnopr\u00e1vn\u011bn\u00edm alb\u00e1nsk\u00e9ho etnika, od poloviny \u0161edes\u00e1t\u00fdch let 20. stolet\u00ed pak i jeho pozitivn\u00ed diskriminac\u00ed a nep\u0159eru\u0161ovan\u00fdm tokem ekonomick\u00e9 pomoci. Rigidn\u00ed komunistick\u00e9 my\u0161len\u00ed ale znemo\u017e\u0148ovalo vid\u011bt hlub\u0161\u00ed historickou podstatu kosovsk\u00e9 ot\u00e1zky, jej\u00ed mytologick\u00fd, n\u00e1bo\u017eensk\u00fd i nacion\u00e1ln\u011b-romantick\u00fd podtext.<\/p>\n

Po\u010d\u00e1tek vyhrocen\u00fdch kosovsk\u00fdch probl\u00e9m\u016f lze paradoxn\u011b spat\u0159ovat v obdob\u00ed po p\u0159ijet\u00ed nov\u00e9 jugosl\u00e1vsk\u00e9 \u00fastavy z roku 1974. Ta v\u00fdrazn\u011b decentralizovala st\u00e1t a ob\u011b srbsk\u00e9 autonomn\u00ed oblasti, Vojvodinu a Kosovo, kter\u00e9 v podstat\u011b pov\u00fd\u0161ila na \u00farove\u0148 plnopr\u00e1vn\u00fdch feder\u00e1ln\u00edch republik. S \u00fastavn\u00edmi \u0159e\u0161en\u00edmi nakonec nebyl spokojen nikdo. Kosov\u0161t\u00ed Alb\u00e1nci pro\u017e\u00edvali svou zlatou dobu, a dokonce i intelektu\u00e1lov\u00e9, kte\u0159\u00ed se po celou dobu sna\u017eili o v\u00edc ne\u017e jen o autonomii, p\u0159izn\u00e1vali, \u017ee tehdy \u2026 Alb\u00e1nci \u017eili v Jugosl\u00e1vii l\u00e9pe ne\u017e kdykoli p\u0159edt\u00edm<\/em>\u2026 a dos\u00e1hli pokroku v mnoha oblastech, zejm\u00e9na ve \u0161kolstv\u00ed, kultu\u0159e, v\u011bd\u011b, zdravotnictv\u00ed<\/em> (Rexhep Qosja).<\/p>\n

Podobn\u011b tomu bylo i na Ukrajin\u011b. \u017divotn\u00ed \u00farove\u0148 prost\u00e9ho pracuj\u00edc\u00edho ob\u010dana a inteligence v\u00a0dob\u011b p\u0159ed perestrojkou a n\u00e1stupem pseudodemokracie dnes snese p\u0159irovn\u00e1n\u00ed ke zlat\u00e9 dob\u011b.<\/p>\n

My\u0161lenky kosovsk\u00e9 republiky se, jak to b\u00fdv\u00e1, za\u010daly uj\u00edmat neform\u00e1ln\u00ed nacionalistick\u00e9 opozi\u010dn\u00ed skupiny, jejich\u017e \u010dinnost po Titov\u011b smrti (1980) vyvrcholila protist\u00e1tn\u00edmi demonstracemi na ja\u0159e 1981. Ty b\u00fdvaj\u00ed pova\u017eov\u00e1ny za prvn\u00ed z\u00e1va\u017en\u00fd projev jugosl\u00e1vsk\u00e9 vnitrost\u00e1tn\u00ed krize. V\u00a0ni se srbsk\u00e9 komunistick\u00e9 veden\u00ed c\u00edtilo \u00fastavn\u00edmi \u010dl\u00e1nky o autonomi\u00edch po\u0161kozeno a v\u016f\u010di republik\u00e1m, kter\u00e9 autonomie nem\u011bly, tak\u00e9 znerovnopr\u00e1vn\u011bno. Pro\u010d? Veden\u00ed autonomi\u00ed p\u0159i d\u016fle\u017eit\u00fdch zased\u00e1n\u00edch na feder\u00e1ln\u00ed \u00farovni vesm\u011bs hlasovalo proti sv\u00e9 mate\u0159sk\u00e9 republice.<\/p>\n

Od n\u00e1stupu Slobodana Milo\u0161evi\u0107e k moci se snaha o omezen\u00ed autonomi\u00ed stala imperativem srbsk\u00e9 politick\u00e9 sc\u00e9ny. Novelizace srbsk\u00e9 \u00fastavy v roce 1989 zkr\u00e1tila autonomie v jejich politick\u00fdch pravomoc\u00edch, a p\u0159ijet\u00edm nov\u00e9 \u00fastavy v roce 1990, autonomie prakticky zru\u0161ila.<\/p>\n

V euforii po p\u0159ijet\u00ed nov\u00e9 \u00fastavy tehdy v B\u011blehrad\u011b vl\u00e1dlo v\u0161eobecn\u00e9 p\u0159esv\u011bd\u010den\u00ed, \u017ee krvav\u00e9 b\u0159eznov\u00e9 alb\u00e1nsk\u00e9 demonstrace v Kosovu, kter\u00e9 p\u0159ijet\u00ed nov\u00e9 \u00fastavy prov\u00e1zely, byly pouh\u00fdm posledn\u00edm z\u00e1chv\u011bvem separatist\u016f<\/em>, a \u017ee \u00fastavn\u00ed zm\u011bny zabezpe\u010d\u00ed v\u00a0Kosovu pr\u00e1vn\u00ed jistotu a bezpe\u010d\u00ed v\u0161ech ob\u010dan\u016f autonomn\u00ed oblasti a s definitivn\u00ed platnost\u00ed poh\u0159b\u00ed iluze o mo\u017enosti vytvo\u0159en\u00ed kosovsk\u00e9 republiky<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Za deset let, kter\u00e9 uplynuly mezi zru\u0161en\u00edm autonomie a nelidsk\u00fdm z\u00e1sahem NATO, nebyla v srbsk\u00e9m parlamentu prakticky ani jednou zavedena diskuse o Kosovu a \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed tamn\u00ed situace. Vnitropolitick\u00fd dialog mezi z\u00e1stupci kosovsko-alb\u00e1nsk\u00e9 strany a srbsk\u00fdm veden\u00edm neexistoval. Kdy\u017e se v roce 1996 objevila tehdy je\u0161t\u011b nev\u00fdrazn\u00e1 Kosovsk\u00e1 osvobozeneck\u00e1 arm\u00e1da, kter\u00e1 opustila ne\u00fasp\u011b\u0161n\u00fd Rugov\u016fv g\u00e1ndh\u00edovsk\u00fd styl, a za\u010dala se sv\u00fdmi teroristick\u00fdmi akcemi, srbsk\u00e9 po\u0159\u00e1dkov\u00e9 s\u00edly odpov\u011bd\u011bly silou, \u010dasto ne\u00fam\u011brnou, maj\u00edc\u00ed za c\u00edl zastra\u0161it. Pokud ov\u0161em do t\u00e9to doby existovala jak\u00e1si \u0161ance na sm\u00edrn\u00e9 \u0159e\u0161en\u00ed konfliktu, zde p\u0159estala. Pro kosovsk\u00e9 obyvatelstvo a v\u011bt\u0161\u00ed \u010d\u00e1st l\u00eddr\u016f od t\u00e9to doby jin\u00e1 alternativa, ne\u017e cesta nez\u00e1vislosti nebyla. Pro\u010d?<\/p>\n

V\u00e1lku o Kosovo v roce 1999 Milo\u0161evi\u010d prohr\u00e1l s nejmocn\u011bj\u0161\u00ed sv\u011btovou vojenskou silou. V\u00e1lka byla potvrzen\u00edm a zavr\u0161en\u00edm ne\u00fasp\u011b\u0161n\u00e9 kosovsk\u00e9 politiky, kter\u00e1 vedla k naprost\u00e9mu odcizen\u00ed Srb\u016f a Alb\u00e1nc\u016f, k vzniku novodob\u00fdch historick\u00fdch resentiment\u016f, ned\u016fv\u011bry a nen\u00e1visti.<\/p>\n

Analogickou situaci m\u00e1me dnes i na Ukrajin\u011b: mocn\u00e1 vojensk\u00e1 s\u00edla Ruska, ne\u00fasp\u011b\u0161n\u00e1 politika EU a NATO a odcizen\u00ed n\u00e1rod\u016f vedou ke vzniku novodob\u00fdch historick\u00fdch resentiment\u016f, ned\u016fv\u011bry a nen\u00e1visti. Nen\u00ed to n\u00e1hoda, proto\u017ee n\u00e1hody neexistuj\u00ed. Bezprecedentn\u00ed n\u00e1r\u016fst glob\u00e1ln\u00ed moci priv\u00e1tn\u00edch subjekt\u016f, a n\u00e1sledn\u00e9 pronik\u00e1n\u00ed prvk\u016f krimin\u00e1ln\u00ed podstaty do prost\u0159ed\u00ed mezin\u00e1rodn\u00edch vztah\u016f umo\u017e\u0148uj\u00ed vzniku situac\u00ed, na kter\u00e9 velk\u00e1 v\u011bt\u0161ina diplomat\u016f neb\u00fdv\u00e1 p\u0159ipravena. Krom\u011b toho kartely nadn\u00e1rodn\u00edch finan\u010dn\u00edch skupin uplat\u0148uj\u00ed rozhoduj\u00edc\u00ed vliv na jednotliv\u00e9 st\u00e1tn\u00ed struktury i mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed organizace, po\u010d\u00ednaje OSN, NATO a EU. Proto v\u00a0sou\u010dasnosti naprosto znemo\u017e\u0148uj\u00ed m\u00edrov\u00e9 sou\u017eit\u00ed a koexistenci nejenom dvou n\u00e1rod\u016f v\u00a0Kosovu, ale i na Ukrajin\u011b a jinde ve sv\u011bt\u011b. Srbsk\u00e9 snahy o nov\u00e1 jedn\u00e1n\u00ed o kosovsk\u00e9m statusu \u010din\u00ed n\u00e1vrhy zcela odtr\u017een\u00e9 od reality. Podobn\u011b je tomu s\u00a0n\u00e1vrhy propagovan\u00fdmi Ukrajinou a setk\u00e1n\u00edmi s\u00a0prezidentem Trumpem.<\/p>\n

Kosovo Milo\u0161evi\u0107 neztratil v roce 1999, ale v b\u0159eznu 1989, kdy slavnostn\u011b vyhl\u00e1sil novelizaci srbsk\u00e9 \u00fastavy, kter\u00e1 Kosovo zbavila skute\u010dn\u00e9<\/em> autonomie, kterou mu poskytla jugosl\u00e1vsk\u00e1 \u00fastava z roku 1974. Ukrajinu Zelenskij neztratil v\u00a0roce 2022, ale Euromajdan v roce 2014, pominu-li jin\u00e9 z\u00e1va\u017en\u00e9 historick\u00e9 skute\u010dnosti, kter\u00e9 \u010dten\u00e1\u0159e s\u00a0krat\u0161\u00ed pam\u011bt\u00ed nezaj\u00edmaj\u00ed. Majdan, ne\u00fasp\u011b\u0161n\u00e1 politika EU, NATO a USA svrhly prezidenta Janukovy\u010de, na co\u017e Rusko reagovalo z\u00e1konn\u00fdm referendem na Krymu\u00a0(2014) a podporou Donbasu na v\u00fdchod\u011b Ukrajiny.<\/p>\n

Ned\u011bln\u00ed volby v Kosovo<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Levicov\u00fd reformn\u00ed premi\u00e9r m\u016f\u017ee p\u0159i tro\u0161e \u0161t\u011bst\u00ed zajistit v\u011bt\u0161inu vl\u00e1dy. Vl\u00e1dnouc\u00ed strana premi\u00e9ra Albina Kurtiho, Vetevendosje (\u010desky sebeur\u010den\u00ed), vyhr\u00e1la p\u0159ed\u010dasn\u00e9 parlamentn\u00ed volby v Kosovu. Po spo\u010d\u00edt\u00e1n\u00ed t\u00e9m\u011b\u0159 v\u0161ech volebn\u00edch m\u00edstnost\u00ed m\u00e1 soci\u00e1ln\u011b demokratick\u00e1 formace podle st\u00e1tn\u00ed volebn\u00ed komise v hlavn\u00edm m\u011bst\u011b Pri\u0161tin\u011b 49,4 procenta hlas\u016f. To znamen\u00e1, \u017ee Vetevendosje z\u00edsk\u00e1 t\u00e9m\u011b\u0159 polovinu k\u0159esel v nov\u00e9m parlamentu a mohla by m\u00edt vl\u00e1dnouc\u00ed v\u011bt\u0161inu spolu s n\u011bkter\u00fdmi stranami etnick\u00fdch men\u0161in, napsal port\u00e1l koha.net.<\/p>\n

Podle volebn\u00ed komise z\u00edskala liber\u00e1ln\u00ed Demokratick\u00e1 strana (PDK) 21 procent, bur\u017eoazn\u00ed Demokratick\u00e1 liga Kosova (LDK) 13,6 procenta a konzervativn\u00ed Aliance pro budoucnost (AAK) 5,7 procenta hlas\u016f. V kosovsk\u00e9m volebn\u00edm syst\u00e9mu m\u00e1 srbsk\u00e1 men\u0161ina n\u00e1rok na deset mand\u00e1t\u016f v parlamentu s celkov\u00fdm po\u010dtem 120 mand\u00e1t\u016f, zat\u00edmco ostatn\u00ed etnick\u00e9 skupiny \u2013 v\u010detn\u011b Bos\u0148\u00e1k\u016f, Turk\u016f a Rom\u016f \u2013 maj\u00ed dal\u0161\u00edch deset mand\u00e1t\u016f.<\/p>\n

Vetevendosje se zlep\u0161ilo o sedm procentn\u00edch bod\u016f oproti \u00fanoru. PDK si udr\u017eela sv\u016fj pod\u00edl na hlasov\u00e1n\u00ed, LDK se zhor\u0161ila o v\u00edce ne\u017e \u010dty\u0159i procentn\u00ed body. Volebn\u00ed \u00fa\u010dast byla 45 procent. To je m\u00e9n\u011b ne\u017e v \u00fanoru (46,6 procenta). Pot\u00e9, co Kurtiho strana nez\u00edskala v\u011bt\u0161inu v \u00fanorov\u00fdch volb\u00e1ch, selhala mnoh\u00e1 koali\u010dn\u00ed jedn\u00e1n\u00ed, prezident Vjosa Osmani v listopadu rozpustil parlament a vyhl\u00e1sil nov\u00e9 volby pot\u00e9, co pades\u00e1tilet\u00fd Kurti vl\u00e1dl prakticky s\u00e1m.<\/p>\n

Povolebn\u00ed v\u00fdzvy<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Parlament mus\u00ed v dubnu ratifikovat \u00fav\u011brov\u00e9 smlouvy s EU a Sv\u011btovou bankou. Pokud by op\u011bt nebylo mo\u017en\u00e9 sestavit vl\u00e1du, politick\u00e1 krize se v kritick\u00e9m okam\u017eiku vyost\u0159\u00ed. Parlament mus\u00ed v dubnu zvolit nov\u00e9ho prezidenta a ratifikovat \u00fav\u011brov\u00e9 smlouvy s EU a Sv\u011btovou bankou v hodnot\u011b 1 miliardy eur. Opozi\u010dn\u00ed strany odm\u00edtaj\u00ed koalici s Kurtim. Kritizuj\u00ed jeho jedn\u00e1n\u00ed se z\u00e1padn\u00edmi spojenci a jeho sm\u011b\u0159ov\u00e1n\u00ed k srbsk\u00e9 men\u0161in\u011b na severu zem\u011b.<\/p>\n

Kosovo s 90procentn\u00ed alb\u00e1nskou v\u011bt\u0161inou, pokud se nem\u00fdl\u00edm, vyhl\u00e1silo nez\u00e1vislost na Srbsku v roce 2008 s podporou USA. Tomu p\u0159edch\u00e1zela v roce 1999 bombardovac\u00ed kampa\u0148 NATO proti srbsk\u00fdm sil\u00e1m. Zem\u011b s 1,6 miliony obyvatel trp\u00ed chudobou, nestabilitou a organizovan\u00fdm zlo\u010dinem. Nap\u011bt\u00ed se Srbskem se vyost\u0159ilo v roce 2023, co\u017e p\u0159im\u011blo EU uvalit sankce na Kosovo. EU ozn\u00e1mila, \u017ee je zru\u0161\u00ed pot\u00e9, co budou v severn\u00edch obc\u00edch zvoleni starostov\u00e9 srbsk\u00e9 men\u0161iny. Tato opat\u0159en\u00ed st\u00e1la Kosovo stovky milion\u016f eur.<\/p>\n

Nov\u00e9 obsazen\u00ed MZV \u010cR by se m\u011blo vyhnout z\u00e1sadn\u00ed novin\u00e1\u0159sk\u00e9 chyb\u011b: m\u00edch\u00e1n\u00ed politick\u00e9ho hodnocen\u00ed s v\u00e1gn\u00ed terminologi\u00ed. Vetevendosje hnut\u00ed nelze implicitn\u011b ch\u00e1pat jako radik\u00e1ln\u00ed<\/em> nebo nacionalistick\u00e9<\/em>. Jde o soci\u00e1ln\u011b demokratickou s\u00edlu, kter\u00e1 vznikla z protikorup\u010dn\u00edho, soci\u00e1ln\u011b-politick\u00e9ho protestn\u00edho hnut\u00ed \u2013 nikoli z extremistick\u00e9 organizace. Rozmaz\u00e1vat rozd\u00edly znamen\u00e1 m\u00edt strach prov\u00e9st anal\u00fdzu a d\u00e1vat p\u0159ednost politick\u00e9mu zjednodu\u0161en\u00ed a idealizaci.<\/p>\n

Bylo by p\u0159\u00ednosem pro v\u0161echny, kdyby velvyslanectv\u00ed Republiky Kosovo v\u00a0Praze m\u011blo mo\u017enost prezentovat politick\u00fd obsah strany v\u00a0kontextu Balk\u00e1nu a jeho v\u00fdvoje za posledn\u00ed roky: soci\u00e1ln\u00ed p\u0159erozd\u011blen\u00ed, st\u00e1tn\u00ed suverenita, boj proti klientelismu a korupci. P\u0159itom nekl\u00e1st pozornost na taktick\u00e9 ot\u00e1zky, koali\u010dn\u00ed aritmetiku a nejasn\u00e1 varov\u00e1n\u00ed, ani\u017e by bylo vysv\u011btleno, pro\u010d Vetevendosje hnut\u00ed z\u00edsk\u00e1v\u00e1 \u0161irokou podporu. A vylou\u010dit p\u0159i prvn\u00ed mo\u017enosti podprahovou rovnici n\u00e1rodn\u00edho sebeur\u010den\u00ed s\u00a0nacionalismem, proto\u017ee neodpov\u00edd\u00e1 kontextu\u00e1ln\u00edmu pojet\u00ed Balk\u00e1nsk\u00e9ho probl\u00e9mu, historii a je politicky ne\u010dist\u00e9. N\u00e1rodn\u00ed socialismus je jasn\u011b definovan\u00fd ideologick\u00fd komplex. Spojovat ho s dne\u0161n\u00edm soci\u00e1ln\u011bdemokratick\u00fdm hnut\u00edm je fakticky nespr\u00e1vn\u00e9, intelektu\u00e1ln\u011b chybn\u00e9 a dokazuje snahu klamat ve\u0159ejnost.<\/p>\n

Zvl\u00e1\u0161tn\u00ed pojedn\u00e1n\u00ed si zaslou\u017e\u00ed sank\u010dn\u00ed politika EU v\u00a0kontextu Balk\u00e1nu, Kosovo a p\u0159\u00edstupov\u00fdch jedn\u00e1n\u00ed. Je d\u016fle\u017eit\u00e9 uk\u00e1zat v\u0161echny d\u016fle\u017eit\u00e9 d\u016fvody EU pro sankce v\u016f\u010di Kosovu a proti sankc\u00edm. Podobn\u011b jako vysv\u011btlit d\u016fvody Albina Kurtiho, kter\u00fd (pr\u00fd) odm\u00edt\u00e1 mezin\u00e1rodn\u00ed spolupr\u00e1ci a (jak je u EU obvykl\u00e9) podm\u00edn\u011bnou pomoc, kterou pova\u017euje za zabezpe\u010den\u00ed vlivu.<\/p>\n

P\u0159eji v\u0161em a nejenom Kosovar\u016fm sebeur\u010den\u00ed<\/em> a nevid\u011bt jenom sami sebe, proto\u017ee doba se m\u011bn\u00ed a potvrd\u00ed, \u017ee kdy\u017e vid\u00edte jen sebe, jste a z\u016fstanete nakonec sami. Souhlasu net\u0159eba.<\/p>\n

Jan Campbell<\/em>
\n29.12.2025<\/em><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

\u00davod V\u00a0\u017e\u00e1dn\u00e9m pojedn\u00e1n\u00ed o Balk\u00e1nu nem\u016f\u017ee chyb\u011bt zm\u00ednka o komplexit\u011b v\u00fdzev spojen\u00fdch se spolu\u017eit\u00edm, historickou…<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":47088,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":[],"categories":[6],"tags":[1042,41,1063,26,27],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/95813"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=95813"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/95813\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/47088"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=95813"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=95813"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.infokuryr.cz\/n\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=95813"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}